One way of analyzing the history of the Bahá'í Faith is to look at a number of themes or motifs that run through it.
1. Leadership and internal opposition
For much of its history to date, the Bábí and Bahá'í Faith has been under strong personal charismatic leadership. Much of the strength and cohesion of the movement has been the direct result of the personal loyalty of the individual Bábís and Bahá'ís to these successive leaders. This intense devotion and loyalty to the leader was the natural result of both their personalities and abilities and the fact that they were considered to be Manifestations of the Divinity, in the case of the Báb and Bahá'u'lláh, or had been clearly appointed to be under direct, infallible divine guidance, in the case of `Abdu'l-Bahá and Shoghi Effendi. This is an important point to note as it explains the overwhelming dominance of these central figures during their respective periods of leadership. It was not so much that these successive leaders imposed an authoritarian control over the religion as the fact that their charismatic authority at the center of the religion inhibited the development of other centers of authority and influence.
The charismatic authority of the leaders of the religion was maintained in a number of ways. The most important was probably personal contact. Undoubtedly, meeting with the Báb, Bahá'u'lláh, `Abdu'l-Bahá, and, to a lesser extent, Shoghi Effendi, was a major psychological and spiritual event in the lives of many of the followers of the religion, reinforcing and increasing the level of their commitment and faith. The fact that both the Báb and Bahá'u'lláh "revealed" their works at great speed and often in an Arabic style resembling the Qur'án was considered a major proof of their mission. This is because the Qur'án is itself considered an inimitable miracle by Muslims. (The literary quality of the works of `Abdu'l-Bahá and Shoghi Effendi was also of a high order.)
The charisma attaching to Bahá'u'lláh was, in large measure, passed on to `Abdu'l-Bahá. This was partly because of the great stature that `Abdu'l-Bahá had gained during his father's lifetime, being entrusted with much of the day-to-day affairs and correspondence. Another major factor was the doctrine of the Covenant (q.v.), meaning a covenant made between each leader and the Bahá'ís regarding the next source of leadership. Great stress was laid upon the doctrine of the Covenant in both the East and the West. The result was that it has been possible for a wide variety of opinions and beliefs to co-exist within the Bahá'í community as long as the ultimate loyalty of the individual Bahá'ís lay with the Center of the Covenant, `Abdu'l-Bahá and his successors.
Shoghi Effendi made a determined effort to downplay the role of personal charisma in the leadership of the Bahá'í Faith and to replace this with a charisma of office. In his dealing with individual Bahá'ís as well as with Bahá'í institutions, he always directed their attention away from himself as a person and towards the Bahá'í Administration (q.v.) and the institution of the Guardianship (q.v.). He discouraged photographs of himself from being circulated and forbade the celebration of any anniversaries connected with himself personally.
The Universal House of Justice continued this process of "institutionalizing" charisma. By dint of being stated in the Bahá'í scriptures to be divinely-guided, it continues to hold a high degree of charismatic authority but only at an institutional level; the individual members of the institution have little personal charisma and often act in ways to discourage the development of such.
a. Imprisonment, exile, and problems of communication Almost from the very beginning of the religion, its leaders have been either imprisoned or in exile or both. The Iranian Bahá'í community was also subjected to sporadic persecution and harassment making the receipt or dispatch of Bahá'í communications difficult. This has presented the religion with major problems in terms of communications between the leadership and the followers. Clearly for leadership to be effective, there must be a free flow of communication between the leader and the followers.
This problem was solved in essentially the same manner for the whole of what Shoghi Effendi has termed the Heroic Age of the Faith (the period from the Báb's declaration in 1844 to the passing of `Abdu'l-Bahá in 1921, see "Ages and Cycles"). Communications were maintained in two main ways. First, there was a constant flow of pilgrims making their way to where the leader was (Mákú and Chihríq in the time of the Báb; Baghdad, Edirne, and Akka in the time of Bahá'u'lláh; and Haifa, Akka and Egypt in the time of `Abdu'l-Bahá). On their way there they would take with them letters and messages from the believers in their area; on their return they would take back letters from the leader as well as their own personal experiences and reminiscences with which to inspire the believers at home as well as on the way home.
The second way in which communications were maintained was through the flow of letters carried by full-time couriers (Mírzá `Alí Sayyáh in the time of the Báb; Shaykh Salmán and Hájí Amín in the time of Bahá'u'lláh). These would travel through Iran collecting letters and gifts from the believers and then make their way to the leader. On their way back they would proceed to an intermediate staging post where a Bahá'í scribe was resident (Mullá `Abdu'l-Karím Qazvíní in Qumm or Qazvín in the time of the Báb; Zaynu'l-Muqarrabín in Mosul in the time of Bahá'u'lláh). He would make numerous copies of the leader's letters thus increasing the effectiveness of the communications with the believers.
Although the Western Bahá'ís used the postal services from the start, the Eastern Bahá'ís tended not to do so until after the First World War. The flow of pilgrims was just as important to the Western Bahá'ís as to the Eastern ones, as witnessed by the large number of accounts of pilgrimages published in the West during `Abdu'l-Bahá's ministry.
b. Internal Opposition Because of the importance to the Bahá'í Faith of central authority, the Bahá'í leadership has always treated internal dissension and opposition to the center of the religion as a serious matter. Indeed this has become enshrined in Bahá'í theory in the doctrine of the Covenant. Those Bahá'ís who have opposed the leadership are therefore called Covenant-breakers (q.v.).
The first episode of internal opposition to the central authority arose during the time of the Báb. A group of three Bábís, led by Mullá Javád Baraghání, traveled to Shiraz in 1845 but became jealous of the high position accorded to Mullá Husayn Bushrú'í and started to cause dissension. Eventually they traveled to Kirmán where they joined up with the Báb's opponent, the Shaykhí leader, Mírzá Muhammad Karím Khán (q.v.). The Báb refers to these three in much the same terms as the later Covenant-breakers are referred to in the Bahá'í writings (DB 159-62).
The sustained opposition of Azal to the leadership of Bahá'u'lláh, and of Mírzá Muhammad `Alí to `Abdu'l-Bahá, have been referred to above.
Shoghi Effendi faced opposition from a number of sources: Mírzá Muhammad `Alí's supporters caused a few problems immediately after the passing of `Abdu'l-Bahá; there was opposition to the erection of the Bahá'í administration in North America; and acts of disobedience caused the eventual expulsion of almost all of Shoghi Effendi's own family. This last was to have important consequences in that there remained no-one whom Shoghi Effendi could appoint to succeed him as Guardian of the Bahá'í Faith in accordance with the Will and Testament (q.v.) of `Abdu'l-Bahá.
After the passing of Shoghi Effendi, there was undoubtedly a leadership crisis in the Bahá'í Faith. With no appointed leader, the Hands of the Cause took over the role of guiding the affairs of the Bahá'í Faith at the world level. They were soon challenged in this by one of their number, Charles Mason Remey (q.v.). Remey claimed that since Shoghi Effendi had appointed him the chairman of the International Bahá'í Council (q.v.), a forerunner of the Universal House of Justice, and since the chairman of the Universal House of Justice was to be the Guardian, this constituted his implicit appointment as the next Guardian. This claim was rejected by the Hands of the Cause since Remey did not satisfy the other conditions laid down in the Will and Testament of `Abdu'l-Bahá, notably that the line of Guardians be lineal descendants of Bahá'u'lláh. Remey's support came from some Bahá'ís in the United States, France, Pakistan, and elsewhere but it was never an appreciable number and they were soon split into a number of feuding factions. There have been no major episodes of internal opposition since Remey.
Religious legalism may be defined as the concern with structuring society according to the provisions of a holy law. Among the religions of the world we can see this best exemplified in the orthodox forms of Islam and Judaism. Among some of the Bábís in the early period, there was a great emphasis on keeping to the Islamic holy law and indeed this was also stressed in the writings of the Báb during this period. Ironically, after the Báb issued his own laws with the promulgation of the Persian Bayán, the emphasis on legalism declined. This was probably partly because the Bayán could not be widely distributed and also because there was no confirmation in the Bayán of the Islamic practice of regarding the actions of the Prophet (the Sunna) as providing legal norms. Thus a large part of the legalistic superstructure was dismantled at a stroke. All that remained was a bare outline of prayers, fasting, pilgrimage, and some other ritual matters.
The role of legalism in the Bahá'í Faith can be subject to various interpretations. On one hand, a quite detailed set of laws regulating personal behavior and social relationships has developed, but on the other, Bahá'u'lláh gave no indication that the Bahá'ís were to establish any form of legal system similar to Islam. Indeed, he specifically discouraged the Bahá'ís from gaining the sort of book learning that went with the Islamic legal system. Furthermore, the following of Bahá'í laws and ethics was to be left largely to individual conscience rather than becoming a matter for communal regulation as occurs in Islam.
In his development of the Bahá'í administration, Shoghi Effendi stressed on several occasions that these institutions should not become legalistic bureaucracies and he discouraged the development of too much procedure and regulation. Similarly, the Universal House of Justice, though it is specifically empowered in the Kitáb-i-Aqdas to enact new supplementary legislation has, thus far, largely confined itself to statements of general moral principle rather than elaborating on the existing corpus of Bahá'í law.
Nevertheless, the Bahá'í Faith has a number of personal and social laws which it is expected that Bahá'ís will obey. Insofar as the frequent or flagrant breaches of some of the social laws by the members of the Bahá'í community are made the concern of the local spiritual assembly (q.v), legalism must remain an element in the Bahá'í community.
3. Gnosticism and Mysticism
Gnosticism is the belief that there exists a hidden salvatory knowledge. This theme was very strong in Shaykhism which had extensive roots in the esoteric tradition of Shí`í Islam. This was carried over into the Bábí movement. The Báb's writings were greatly concerned with revealing the esoteric meaning of the Qur'án. In doing so he made use of numerology and cabalistic analysis. Indeed, the concept of numerology became incorporated into the writings of the Báb at all levels, as well as into the communal structure. The number nineteen (equivalent to wáhid, unity) was everywhere, from the number of chapters in the books of the Báb to the groupings of Bábís into cells of nineteen each. The Báb also gave detailed instructions for the construction of talismans.
With the advent of the Bahá'í Faith, the gnostic element declined sharply. Indeed, it was insisted that this was the day in which all hidden meanings were to be revealed. Only a small numerological and talismanic residue remained with any degree of official sanction (for example, the use of the numbers nine and nineteen in many aspects of the Bahá'í community life and even religious architecture; and the use of "the Greatest Name", q.v., symbol on rings). A number of unofficial "popular" practices have, however, also persisted (for example, among Iranian Bahá'ís, the use of rock sugar left in the holy shrines with the intention of gaining spiritual potency for curing illness), although these are dying out to a large extent.
Conversely, as the gnostic elements decreased in the Bahá'í Faith, the mystical elements increased. Bahá'u'lláh himself wrote a number of works on mystical themes, including the Seven Valleys, the Four Valleys, and a number of his poems. This has meant that although up to the present mysticism has remained very much a minority interest in the Bahá'í community, there is a potential for further future development. There is, however, a pronounced emphasis in much of the Bahá'í community on spirituality (prayer, meditation, the centrality of the spiritual in the affairs of life, etc.).
The theme of self-sacrifice and the related theme of detachment from the material world is one that runs strongly in most of the major religions of the world. The ultimate expression of this is represented by the martyr who gives up life itself for the sake of his or her faith. This theme has also been very strong in the Bábí and Bahá'í religions. The Bábí period saw a great wave of persecution engulf the new religion. This persecution became paradoxically a source of strength and justification for the religion because of the way that Shí`í Islam has always represented the Shí`í Imáms as themselves being subjected to persecution and martyrdom. Even the opponents of the Bábís are reported to have been touched by this paradigmatic parallel.
The number of Bábís that became martyrs during this period is impossible to assess but it must have been at least four thousand. But it is not so much the numbers that are important for later generations of Bahá'ís as the way that some of these martyrdoms occurred. On numerous occasions the Bábís were offered their lives if they recanted but they refused. These sorts of scenes have been utilized as the Bahá'í Faith spread to the Christian West to draw parallels between the spirit of the Bábís and that of the early Christian martyrs. More frequently the parallel has been drawn between the life and martyrdom of the Báb and that of Christ.
a. The inheritance of the martyrs It was Shoghi Effendi, in particular, who put the devotion and sacrifice of the early Bábís forward as an example for the subsequent generations of Bahá'ís. He edited and translated The Dawn-Breakers (q.v., a history of the Bábí period) in order to put this before the Western Bahá'ís more sharply. He characterized the Western Bahá'ís as the spiritual descendants of "the Dawn-breakers" (ADJ 7).
Within the Bahá'í scriptures, the theme of sacrifice in terms of the ordinary life of the believer is linked to the concept that in order to progress spiritually we must become detached from this material world. This detachment does not primarily mean a physical detachment--austerity, monasticism, or asceticism--but rather a mental and emotional detachment. The theme of sacrifice is frequently evoked in various aspects of Bahá'í community life: giving to the Bahá'í funds, sacrificing one's ego in the course of consultation, etc.
The themes of sacrifice and martyrdom came back to the fore in the Bahá'í world with the eruption of persecutions in Iran following the revolution there in 1979. The effects of this persecution were directly felt far a field and vividly communicated to all Bahá'ís through the extensive Iranian Diaspora. The entire Bahá'í world rallied to the defence of their Iranian co-religionists. The Universal House of Justice continued the pattern set by Shoghi Effendi in setting the sacrifice and devotion of the Iranian believers as an example to the rest of the Bahá'í world and stressing that the appropriate response to this tragedy was a redoubling of dedication and service to the religion.
b. The pattern of the Persecutions The persecutions of the Bábís and Bahá'ís, which have occurred principally in the Middle East, have followed a discernible pattern. During the early Bábí period (1844-48), the opposition was led by the `ulamá, who regarded the teachings of the new religion as a direct challenge to Islam. The government, at first, largely stood back from the debate between the Bábís and the `ulama. But at a later stage when the debate of words evolved into armed clashes, the government lost no time in backing the `ulamá and sending its troops against the Bábís. The response of the ordinary people in each place tended to depend on the response of the `ulamá, whose lead they were prepared to follow. The attitude of the Bábís themselves was somewhat variable. Under the threat of attack, they banded together to defend themselves. But others took a more aggressive attitude; for example, the group who attempted to assassinate the Shah in 1852.
After the holocaust that marked the end of the Bábí period, there was a change in the nature of the persecutions. The emerging Bahá'í community also faced a great deal of persecution but the grounds were no longer purely religious. Reasons for the persecutions included such factors as bolstering the personal prestige of a local figure, financial manipulations, and local political struggles. In these cases, a religious motivation was often spuriously invoked. For these purposes, the Bahá'ís, and specially the more prominent ones, were eminently suitable pawns, belonging as they did to a minority group that was not under the protection by any outside state or agency (as the Christian and other minorities were). The `ulamá were again the principle instigators of these persecutions but the state was now for the most part opposed to the civil disturbance caused by these episodes. Indeed, agitations against the Bahá'ís was not infrequently a means for the `ulamá and others to foment anti-government disturbances. As far as the people are concerned, there were many that had secret sympathy for the Bahá'ís, but it was still the case that the `ulamá were able to lead the crowd to perpetrate barbarous cruelties on occasions. The Bahá'ís themselves showed a marked change of attitude from the Bábís in that, on Bahá'u'lláh's instructions, they no longer made any attempt to defend themselves.
In the 1920s, a further change occurred, resulting principally from political changes in the Middle East. New secular nationalist governments came to power and the influence of the religious classes declined. Instead of physical violence inflicted upon individuals, the persecutions of the Bahá'ís became institutionalized. The main form of persecution now became the imposition of civil disabilities upon the Bahá'ís: limiting their abilities to obtain education, employment, and voting rights; refusal to recognize their marriages and births; prohibition of publication of their books; and closing down Bahá'í schools and other Bahá'í institutions. The main perpetrator of these persecutions was the state itself. Moreover persecutions of this nature began to occur in other countries of the Middle East: notably Iraq, Egypt, Turkey, etc., and also in the Soviet Union. The attitude of the Bahá'ís also underwent a change in that they now took a more active (although still non-violent) stance. Wherever possible, action was taken through the courts of the country concerned. Otherwise appeal was made to international opinion and even to international institutions such as the League of Nations and the United Nations.
In recent years, a new element has been added to the persecutions. With a rise in fundamentalism in many religious communities in the world, persecutions became once more motivated by religious factors. In Iran, where the religious authorities succeeded in taking over secular power, this religious persecution was reinforced by institutionalized persecution. In many of the Islamic countries, the secular authorities, fearing the power of the fundamentalist resurgence, have also taken action against the Bahá'ís as a way of shoring up their Islamic credentials.
There has been a strong millennarian theme running through Bahá'í history from its earliest roots in the Bábí period. Within a few months of his declaration in 1844, the message of the Báb had caused a great stir of millennarian expectation in Karbalá so noticeable that it was reported upon by the British Consul in Baghdad (BBR 83-90). The Báb's pronouncement in 1848 that he was indeed the Imám Mahdí further fuelled this trend.
A further aspect of this was the concept of return (q.v., raj`a), which the Báb interpreted as a typological phenomenon: that there will appear persons who have the characteristics of the Imáms of the past and their opponents. This meant that such events as ShaykhTabarsí became seen in terms of a re-enactment of the martyrdom of the Imám Husayn at Karbalá.
The Báb set up his own millennarian expectation by prophesying the advent of a messianic figure, "He Whom God shall make manifest". Bábí millennarianism was for Bahá'ís, fulfilled by Bahá'u'lláh. In the more fully developed Bahá'í view, Bahá'u'lláh is considered to be the fulfillment of the messianic expectation of all religions: the tenth avatar for Hindus, the return of Buddha for Buddhists, the Messiah for Jews, and the return of the Christ spirit for Christians and Muslims.
Bahá'u'lláh, in turn, set up a number of millennarian expectations. One aspect of these is certain statement in the Bahá'í writings referring to a future global catastrophe. Much more important is the promise of a more distant future "Golden Age" of universal peace and prosperity to be brought into being through the Bahá'í administrative order and the social teachings. Thus, the theme of millennarian expectation has in the Bahá'í Faith been transformed into the theme of social reformism. Another aspect which at present is of little concern to Bahá'ís because of its remoteness is Bahá'u'lláh's statement that there will be another Manifestation of God in not less than one thousand years.
6. Social Reform
The transformation of the world envisaged in the millennarian theme is given practical expression in the form of the current of social reconstruction and reform running through the Bahá'í teachings and activities.
The Báb's writings themselves contain little in the way of a social reform program. But some of the Báb's actions, such as his appointment of a woman as one of his leading disciples, implicitly represented a new pattern of social order.
It was principally during the Akka period that we find the question of social reform coming to the fore in the writings of Bahá'u'lláh (see TB). As to actual social change consciously sponsored by the Bahá'í community, this dates largely from the time of `Abdu'l-Bahá. In the last few years of the nineteenth century, `Abdu'l-Bahá encouraged the Iranian Bahá'ís to set up schools and health facilities. These efforts were much assisted by a number of Americans who moved to Iran. In their own country, American Bahá'ís took an active role in the movement to advance the social situation of Afro-Americans.
During the early part of Shoghi Effendi's ministry, Bahá'í efforts in this direction diminished as most Bahá'í activity was directed into the building up of the administrative order. The administrative order itself was, however, to be a valuable foundation for later work in this area.
In recent years, under the aegis of the Universal House of Justice, social reformism has again assumed a prominent place with the introduction of numerous social and economic development programs throughout the Bahá'í world. This has been mainly in response to the large numbers of Third World villagers who have entered the religion in the last three decades. In these areas, development programs have been added to Bahá'í activities as soon as the Bahá'í community structure has been established and is functioning. Prominent among the social concerns of Bahá'ís throughout the years (and now reflected in the development programs instituted) have been the concern for education and literacy, and the advancement of women. More recently there has been an additional concern with agriculture, health, cultural development and the environment. An important element in this work has been the increasing links built up with international organizations such as the United Nations through the Bahá'í International Community (q.v.).
7. Liberalism and Authoritarianism
Liberalism is the attitude that religion should be adapted so as to be compatible with the rationality of the modern world and the needs of society. The Bahá'í emphasis on religious rationality and social reform make it appear to be a highly liberal religion, but against this must be set the strong emphasis on authoritative leadership towards whom obedience is expected through the doctrine of the Covenant (an attitude that would tend to work against liberalism). This has resulted in a certain amount of tension between these two orientations in Bahá'í history, almost exclusively among the Bahá'í communities of the West. (The attitude of liberalism should not, however, be confused with a liberal morality; the Bahá'í Faith emphasizes a traditional morality for individuals.)
Any tendency towards institutional authoritarianism is to some extent neutralized by the encouragement of the independent investigation of religious reality. Dogmatic positions are generally not emphasized and there is a right to free speculative, intellectual thought. With regard to the administration of the Bahá'í Faith, however, although the Bahá'í institutions operate through processes that include consulting with the generality of the Bahá'ís, there is an expectation of loyalty and obedience to the decisions of the central figures and institutions.
Closely linked to liberalism in the Bahá'í Faith is the theme of universalism. This is linked to the belief that God's guidance and grace are available universally to all humankind. In the Bahá'í Faith this has led to two distinct religious attitudes: the conviction that all peoples will find their highest religious aspirations fulfilled in the Bahá'í Faith; and the belief that the Bahá'í Faith is an inclusive religious movement with little need for barriers between members and non-members.
This first attitude has been a consistent theme since the last century and has led to deliberate systematic efforts to extend the Bahá'í message as widely as possible throughout the world among every ethnic and linguistic grouping. It is, however, an exclusivist view in that it considers that its eventual aim is that all people become Bahá'ís.
The second attitude has been more variable, and in the West, a definite tension between inclusivist and exclusivist policies developed. This tension was linked to a wider tension between liberalism and authoritarianism. Thus, during the time of `Abdu'l-Bahá, there was a fairly loose, inclusivist interpretation of who was a Bahá'í. Anyone who was sympathetic to the teachings was often counted as a Bahá'í, no matter if they were also members of another religion or held views which the majority of Bahá'ís would not subscribe to (including elements of the occult, socialism, etc). In the early years of his ministry, Shoghi Effendi introduced a large degree of order to this situation restricting membership to exclude those who retained membership of other religions and defining more closely the essential beliefs of the Bahá'ís. Thus in the course of introducing the requisite degree of order necessary to institute the Bahá'í administration, Shoghi Effendi moved the Bahá'í Faith somewhat away from universalism and liberalism. Moreover, it would probably be true to say that the type of person who came to administrative prominence during this period when Shoghi Effendi was concentrating on administrative matters tended towards authoritarianism and centralization. We find, for example, Shoghi Effendi writing on several occasions dissuading the American National Spiritual Assembly from enacting unduly restrictive legislation and over-centralization. In recent years, this tendency has begun to reverse itself with, for example, the automatic inclusion of Bahá'í children onto Bahá'í membership lists, the relaxation of the standard of Bahá'í knowledge required of new converts, and the devolution of decision-making about teaching plans from Haifa to the level of national assemblies and even, to a large extent, to local assemblies.
There is also a cultural aspect to Bahá'í universalism, in that worldwide the Bahá'ís represent a religious community of considerable ethnic and cultural diversity. Thus, in the first two decades of the present century, the American Bahá'í community emphasized the theme of the unity of East and West and set up close ties with their Iranian co-religionists. The Iranian Bahá'ís in turn drew great strength and comfort from the universality of the Faith as evidenced by the expansion of the Faith in the West as well as the presence among them of American Bahá'ís as travelers and residents.
This cultural universalism has again become much more marked in the Bahá'í community in recent years with the influx of large numbers from the "Third World". This has led to the emergence of new cultural styles and a marked ethnic diversification within the Bahá'í community. Whereas formerly the only foreign Bahá'ís commonly encountered in any given country were Iranians and Americans, the increasing diversity of the Bahá'í world is making itself felt in the numbers of "Third World" and other Bahá'ís traveling and residing outside their own countries thus strengthening the feeling of the universality of the Bahá'í teachings. It is also this universalism that stimulates the Bahá'í international activities at the level of the United Nations.
This article was written for possible inclusion in A Short Encyclopedia of the Baha'i Faith, an ongoing project of the National Spiritual Assembly of the Baha'is of the United States. This draft has not been edited and will not appear in the encyclopedia in its present form. Hence it should not be considered representative of the project.
For general histories of the Bábí and Bahá'í Faith, see Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By; [`Abdu'l-Bahá], A Traveller's Narrative; Peter Smith, The Bábí and Bahá'í Religion, (which also contains an extensive bibliography); M. Momen, The Bábí and Bahá'í Religions; Mangol Bayat, Mysticism and Dissent, Syracuse, 1982; see also the series Studies in Bábí and Bahá'í History.
For the Bábí period: Nabíl Zarandí, The Dawn-Breakers; Hasan Balyuzi, The Báb; Abbas Amanat, Resurrection and Renewal; Mírzá Husayn Hamadání, The New History; D. McEoin, "From Shaykhism to Bábism," Ph.D. thesis. Peter Smith and Moojan Momen, "The Bábí movement: A resource mobilization perspective," in SBBR 3. For the ministry of Bahá'u'lláh: Hasan Balyuzi, Bahá'u'lláh, King of Glory; idem, Some Eminent Bahá'ís; A. Taherzadeh, The Revelation of Bahá'u'lláh; Hájí Mírzá Haydar-`Alí, Bihjatu's-Sudúr; partial translation Stories from the Delight of Hearts. For the ministry of `Abdu'l-Bahá: H.M. Balyuzi, `Abdu'l-Bahá; Lady Blomfield, Chosen Highway.
Contemporary developments and statistics: See the section "International Survey of Current Bahá'í Activities" and statistical information in successive volumes of Bahá'í World; P. Smith and M. Momen, "The Bahá'í Faith 1957-88; a survey of contemporary developments," Religion 1989, 19:63-91; Eunice Braun, From Strength to Strength; The Seven Year Plan; A. Hampson, "The Growth and Spread of the Bahá'í Faith," Ph.D. thesis.
A large number of biographies of prominent Bahá'ís have appeared in recent years which contain valuable information. In Persian, the most important printed sources on Bahá'í history are: Fádil Mázandarání, TáríkhZuhúru'l-Haqq, vols. 3, 8a and 8b; Mírzá Kázim Samandar, Tarikh-i-Samandar; `Abdu'l-Husayn Ávárih, Kawákibu'd-Durriyyih, 3 vols. in 2. Other works referred to in the text: D. Barrett (ed.), World Christian Encyclopaedia.